Brexit in party conference season – how was it for EU?

Brexit in party conference season – how was it for EU?

September’s conference insights on Brexit and UK-EU relations, and the parties’ positions on Europe as they head back to parliament, writes Bremain Treasurer Helen Johnston for Yorkshire Bylines. 

There is said to be a pro-Europe majority in the 2024 parliament, as well as in the country. Was this in evidence at last month’s party conferences? With elections are behind them, are the parties and their leaders finally acknowledging the Brexit elephant in the room? On 8 October, Grassroots for Europe invited politicians and campaigners to talk about these questions at a post-conference round table.

The event’s chair was Brendan Donnelly, former Conservative MEP, director of the pro-European think tank the Federal Trust, and leader of the Rejoin EU Party. Representatives from some of the main parties reported first on how Europe had been addressed at their respective party conferences.

Brendan Donnelly

The Liberal Democrats

Caroline Voaden is the newly elected Liberal Democrat MP for South Devon. She was the last leader of the Liberal Democrats in the European Parliament, representing South West England and Gibraltar, and is a vocal pro-European.

Voaden noted that Europe was widely discussed at conference, with well-attended fringe meetings on single market membership, resetting UK-EU relations and better market integration.

Although activists were keen to hear about policy on Europe, “…the feeling was really strong that we fought three general elections on Brexit and did pretty badly”. The key issues for voters in 2024 had been the NHS, the cost of living, and sewage. These were the issues Liberal Democrats had fought on, which had given them their biggest ever representation in parliament.

A policy motion on restoring freedom of movement for young people was passed unanimously. Although often wrongly conflated with immigration, it is an area where the party feels it can push government.

Speaking on a panel about North Atlantic relations and Ukraine, Voaden had raised how leaving the EU has damaged Britain’s role as a bridge between the US and the EU: “We’re not there as a kind of crucial link in that chain anymore, … and I think everybody is the poorer for it.”

Caroline Voaden MP

Joining the dots

All those problems can, of course, be linked to Brexit. “Every time I spoke with voters during the election and they talked about improving the economy, I would always say, ‘well, let’s join the single market’, to a huge round of applause. There is definitely an appetite out there.”

Voaden concluded that as the Liberal Democrats now have 72 MPs and currently look like a stronger voice of opposition than the Tories: “Lots of us in the new intake are really keen to get [Europe] back on the agenda. As a party, we have a roadmap. Youth mobility is definitely one of the first steps. I’d really like to see a deal done for musicians and creatives so they can tour in Europe again, plus things like bringing school groups to the UK without having to have visas and passports. If we can start taking little steps that actually have a positive result, that are not too contentious, it opens the door to talking about bigger issues.”

The Green Party

Professor Catherine Rowett another former MEP, represented the East of England until the UK left the EU in 2020. She is coordinator of the Green Party policy working group that drafted the recent update of the party’s policy position on Europe and relations with the EU. She recently spoke at the National Rejoin March in London.

At conference, the Greens’ Europe policy working group heard from Ellie Chowns, one of the party’s four new MPs, about what they hope to achieve in this parliament. Although the group’s new policy wasn’t ready in time for the general election, it was sufficiently advanced for the party’s July manifesto to contain a commitment to rejoining the EU. The 10-page document setting out the Greens’ route map to rejoining was approved unanimously. Notably, it does not advocate single market membership without full membership, as accepting its rules while not being part of the decision-making body would represent a “democratic deficit”.

Catherine Rowett

Green ideals

Rowett stressed that the Green Party’s approach to rejoining the EU does not focus on the benefits of rejoining for Britain, or argue that we need to get back in because we’re in difficulties, need workers, or can’t grow our economy: “We prefer to ask, what can we do for the rest of the world by being part of this decision-making body that affects 27 countries directly, and the whole of the rest of the world indirectly? Using that immense power that we have to bring about a better world, to bring about peace, better rights for workers and animals and combat climate change.”

The Labour Party

Mark English is strategic advisor on policy and media at European Movement UK (EMUK). He worked for 25 years at the European Commission, including on economic and single market policy, as a spokesperson for the Commission president’s team and as head of the Commission’s press office in London. He also worked at the European parliament on tackling disinformation. He attended the Labour Party conference as a member and not, he stressed, as a party insider.

The EU’s delegation in London and several EU member states were very active on the conference fringe and diplomatically yet forcefully raised the matter of youth mobility, as did LME chair Stella Creasy. Although ministers stuck to the prime minister’s line that there were “no plans” for a youth mobility agreement, there was a wide consensus among stakeholders at the conference that an agreement seems likely eventually.

English’s impression was that the “reset” of which we have heard so much is genuine, at least in tone. While the government is sticking to its red lines, enthusiasm for Europe is high among members, with all the fringe meetings on Europe overflowing, especially the LME rally.

“The curse of Brexit was a theme running through them all. It’s left few areas of our national life undamaged, and that was clear from the conference. The EU ambassador to the UK, Pedro Serrano, struck a very positive tone at the reception he hosted. He was flanked by paymaster general Nick Thomas-Symonds and the Europe minister Stephen Doughty, both of whom had warm words of their own and nobody, I think, at that event, could be left in any doubt that trust is beginning to be re-established and the tone is improving.”

Mark English

On the same page

English’s conclusions from fringe meetings and discussions on defence and security, was that ministers, MPs and those from the EU side were “on a similar page, evoking global threats and instability as urgent reasons for closer EU-UK cooperation”.

While politicians and stakeholders at conference all seemed to appreciate that the UK’s most crucial trading relationship is with the EU, there seemed in some cases to be limited understanding of how the EU works, and of why Britain cannot maximise its potential for economic growth outside the single market and the customs union:

“Various ministers expressed, as had their Tory predecessors, what I would call misplaced confidence in the UK’s ability to develop a niche industrial strategy, which would allow it to compete with China’s low prices, the vast subsidies the US is currently offering and the EU’s border-free single market.”

Improving cooperation on energy and climate change was also widely discussed. The most urgent issue, both for the country’s economic growth prospects and for its net zero policy, is how far the UK will align with the EU’s carbon border adjustment mechanism, due to be implemented soon.

The plight of the creative industries and cultural touring was another key topic, with stakeholders quick to point out the enormous damage done by Brexit. At the conference, English promoted EMUK’s ongoing Face the Music campaign to ease Brexit red tape for touring performers: action on this is government policy and it may be possible to make progress as part of wider negotiations with the EU. Promisingly, there was also plenty of enthusiasm, although no commitment from ministers, for the UK to associate with the Creative Europe funding programme.

Next steps

In conclusion, English agreed with Voaden that we need to show how closer relations and, ultimately, EU membership, can help solve the problems people care most about, such as healthcare, the cost of living and migration. This means first pushing for small steps forward, including those the government is already committed to – and the EU is open to – such as agreements on food safety, defence and a veterinary agreement: “Steps forward on those will build trust with the EU, and show UK voters that closer cooperation with the EU actually works, helping to sustain and increase the electoral pressure for more progress.”

Cross-party cooperation

A series of questions to the panel from the floor followed individual conference reports.

Sue Wilson, Bremain in Spain, asked if the new MPs were talking to each other about Europe: if, for example, the Lib Dems were involved in cross-party discussions with MPs in the LME? Voaden noted that there haven’t been many opportunities yet, as parliament has been in recess for much of the summer, but “it’s definitely something that needs to happen”.

John Stevens, former Conservative MEP and Rejoin EU Party candidate, asked about contacts between EMUK and Conservative MPs and if there is any evidence that the new intake of Tory MPs might be “biddable” on the Brexit issue. English believed it would be premature to write off the Tories as the party’s history shows it has a tremendous ability to adapt and survive, but pro-Europeans are not yet in a position to build links with Conservative MPs.

Many who were expelled or left the party – such as Stevens himself, Brendan Donnelly, or EMUK’s vice-president Dominic Grieve – remain Conservatives and he is confident they can continue to appeal to a wide range of Conservative voters and potential voters.

The threat from across the Atlantic

Sussex Bylines editor, Ginny Smith, asked if the panel’s parties would feel the need to move closer to the EU more urgently if Donald Trump won the US election in November. English agreed it was mentioned a lot at the Labour conference and obviously, few would welcome another Trump administration, although, for diplomatic reasons, that is not stated publicly.

“I would go further and I would say that, even without Trump, and even with Harris, the general policy direction of the US and in particular, the heavy subsidies it is giving to its own industry and the protectionism of the Inflation Reduction Act, mean the EU and the UK have every interest in coming together.”

Rowett concurred, adding that the divisive nature of the Trump campaign is echoed in the messaging of the Reform Party in the UK, stoking attitudes of “…protectionism, hating collaboration and hating the Europeans … which are not likely to give us a better, more positive feel among the people of Britain of being ready to embrace closer relationships with Europe”.

Young people

Cecilia Jastrzembska of the Young European Movement asked how the panellists think their parties can go further in representing the views and needs of young people and in keeping representation as diverse as possible.

Rowett pointed out that the Green Party does tend to appeal to young people, for whom climate change is a key issue, with new Young Greens groups starting up and recruiting in various parts of the UK. While this is encouraging, she is very concerned about the impact that toxic masculinity and figures such as Tommy Robinson are having on another set of young people, with young men “being recruited for a much more problematic way of putting the world to rights”.

English noted that, with the possible exception of Momentum during the Corbyn era, “…getting young people motivated is really difficult and I think the best thing that we can do is actually to be a bit more in listening mode and try to ask young people and young people’s organisations what it is that would get them more interested”.

The road to rejoining

The Rejoin stance is that only full membership of the EU makes sense (the name is on the tin). In the words of the round table chair and the Rejoin Party’s leader, Brendan Donnelly, “we shouldn’t be always looking to have one foot outside the tent and only one foot in the European Union itself. I think that that will be a precondition for our getting back in, both domestically and in our dealings with the EU”.

While the speakers and attendees were unanimous in the belief that leaving the EU has caused the UK enormous damage, it was evident from the conferences that there are many differences of opinion within their parties about where to go next. Some, mindful of domestic politics and the need to persuade voters, are clearly more cautious than others. They are all, however, at least recognising that Britain needs to rebuild its relationship with the rest of Europe and talking about how to start doing that.

Bremain in Spain AGM 2024

Bremain in Spain AGM 2024

You are cordially invited to Bremain in Spain’s AGM, which will take place online on Sunday 17 November, from 11.30 a.m to 12.30 p.m CET.

 

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Whether planning to attend the meeting or not, we welcome questions from our members. So, if you are unable to attend, please send your questions for the Bremain council to us in advance & we will answer them on the day & report back

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Stella Creasey MP – Bremainers Ask Webinar Transcript

Stella Creasey MP – Bremainers Ask Webinar Transcript

This is an edited transcript of a special Bremainers Ask Webinar on 19 September 2024 covering the questions submitted in advance by Bremain in Spain members.

Stella Creasey is the Labour and Co-Operative MP for Walthamstow, first elected in 2010. She has held a variety of positions within the Labour Party first serving as Parliamentary Private Secretary to shadow Education Secretary Andy Burnham. 

In 2011, she became a shadow Home Office Minister for crime prevention, then in 2015, ran for the deputy leadership of the party, coming in second place.  Currently, she is the Chair of the Labour Movement for Europe. 

Stella has been a staunch advocate for maintaining a relationship with the EU and has campaigned against Brexit-induced parliamentary deregulation. She successfully obtained parliamentary approval for the Retained EU Law Bill. More recently, she led the campaign against the Brexit Border Tax, which is imposed on food imports from the EU to the UK.

Lisa Burton : The recent riots were difficult to watch, but also not unexpected, considering certain media reporting and the political environment for the past few years, particularly since Brexit. Will Labour consider press reform going forward, and how will the government respond to reform UK MPs intent on stirring up further division?

Stella Creasey :My community was directly affected by the threat of violence. We didn’t have any violence, but we did take to the streets as a community, and stood round our local mosques. We stood together because people were so divided, and this didn’t happen in a vacuum. For some time now, I’ve been very worried about the rise of the far right and of far-right rhetoric, both online and offline. It’s been shaping a number of debates locally, and it was an incredibly scary time. I’m very proud to represent a very diverse community. I’m very proud of the fact that when that pressure came, people were very clear that it was not welcome here, but acutely conscious that we don’t want to get to the point where these things are happening in the first place.

It’s not that we should simply be proud that if put under pressure in the UK, people reject this type of politics. We shouldn’t get to the point where the pressure is coming in the first place. With that in mind, one of the conversations I’ve been having with people for some time, as Chair of the Labour Movement for Europe (LME) is that you are talking about what President Trump is doing. You’re talking about who he’s talking to in British politics. But have you seen what’s happening in Europe? Have you seen what’s happening with Orban, with Le Pen, with Meloni, and what’s happening in France?

I am very concerned that the left has been complacent about the idea that far right extremism, Islamophobia, racism, wouldn’t take seed in our political discourse. For too long, the left has that said these are extremes, just ignore them, don’t platform them. We have to confront them. But I don’t think this is about press reform, though there are other reasons why we need to talk about press reform.

The reason my community was put under pressure was because somebody circulated via WhatsApp a list of 60 immigration lawyers that were going to be targeted next. That is not the traditional print media, or even a forum that has some modicum of regulation.

I’m not suggesting that there isn’t an issue about press reform that we need to address. I know people have very great concerns about GB news, for example, and its impartiality. I think there are questions about where you blur the line between opinion and fact, and that’s online and offline. It’s to recognize that the way in which the far right is organizing is not through traditional forums and media. So that debate, that discourse, is late to the mainstream media rather than generating the mainstream media. What do I mean by that? I mean it’s as much as in your local Facebook groups. It’s in the Telegram groups. It’s in the WhatsApp messages that calls for a necessary different response.

If we load this solely onto press reform, I fear we will be too late. We’ll be too late in calling for a defense of free speech that recognizes if 50% of the conversation is terrified, because there is violence, because there is intimidation, because there is this constant drumbeat that whatever the problem is, the answer is, immigration is the issue? Actually, we’re not getting to the source of it, and we’re not challenging where that’s coming into modern political discourse. And I say that as somebody who now spends more of her time in WhatsApp groups with local residents than actually on even Twitter/X, I mean, X feels, you know, 10 years ago now, for me now.

A separate issue is regarding the role of politicians and the questions of standards. And I think there are some very interesting questions about our roles and our responsibilities. In terms of leadership of that debate, I have called for a national conversation about accountability for all of us. We all have to be accountable for what we are doing, to challenge the rhetoric, to challenge those ideas. Hope not Hate have got some very interesting research on this that is also an accountability for all MPs of all elected professions. I am somebody who has already debated, discussed and disagreed with the Reform MPs in Parliament, but I will hold them to the same standards that I will hold politicians in all political parties for the consequences of their actions, as I expect myself to be held.

Clarissa Killwick :Thanks to Brexit, I, for a number of years, lost my vote, but I was able to vote again in the UK. In the past, Labour were not in favor of lifting the 15 year rule for overseas voters. So has there been a change of heart now, or are we at risk of losing this important right again?

Stella Creasey : The absolute honest truth is, I suspect, that the debate around electoral reform in this country will be more rooted in wondering about electoral registration and about voter ID than the 15-year rule. We saw quite a marked impact on certain groups in society about their ability to take part, and I know the Electoral Commission is looking at that.

I think we have to see what the Electoral Commission comes back with in terms of whether or not this is a practical solution. I understand and appreciate what you’re saying about you had a vote. It would be remiss of me not to say I want to see what the Electoral Commission says first.

 

Steve Wilson : Do you believe proportional representation would be a prerequisite for rejoining the Single Market, the Customs Union and/or the EU and what’s the position of the Labour Movement for Europe on that particular subject?

Stella Creasey : As to whether proportional representation will be a prerequisite with the EU in order to rejoin the single market, or would be part of the negotiating discussion, I’m not aware of any examples in which the electoral system being used has been part of the negotiations, e.g. in discussions that other countries taking part in the accession process are having.

As for the position of LME, we are an affiliate organization, so we don’t take a particular position on policies. I can tell you what my position as the national chair is and say, I have always campaigned for electoral reform, not because I think it makes a single person vote, but because I think it is the right thing to do. I prefer AV+ because I do think the constituency link is important in our politics, especially with devolution, and I’ve always voted for electoral reform policies within the political process.

I also don’t think you can single out just the voting system. I think you’ve got a broader question about how you win the argument. I don’t think you can make Brexit work. We’ve always been clear about that. We can, we do think that you can resolve quite a lot of the problems that it has created in the first instance, and that should be the priority. We are around the edges of the single market, and we are affected by the single market. So, I always think it’s a bit of a canard to say that we’ve completely left it in the same way that inevitably, the trading decisions made in Europe affect what we can do here, because we are interconnected. You know, you can fight many things in life, but you can’t really fight geography. It’s just a thing.

The British public are far ahead of the political debate. They’ve moved on in 2016 and 2019 and they are also very clear that this was a democratic decision. As a result, you would need some kind of democratic moment to change it substantially. That doesn’t mean that that might not happen. Nobody can rule out anything, if we’ve learned anything in the last couple of years of politics, that things go up and down in all sorts of ways you never expected, not least Liz Truss becoming Prime Minister.

But it does mean that we face a very hard choice. What do you focus on? I talk to the businesses who can’t import things into the UK anymore, who are sitting with lorry loads of food sat in Calais, the people who are missing out on school trips, the businesses thinking about where they invest. They haven’t got the seven or eight years of negotiation time and a referendum that we need. What we have to ruthlessly do as people who recognize the damage that Brexit has done is work out how we can save what is essentially already on fire.

I’m very passionate about the Pan European Mediterranean convention, so passionate it probably puts people to sleep, frankly. But that is something I think we could negotiate to be part of, again, relatively quickly. Talk to the people in the Ukraine – they are on a fast track. That’s still a 7-8 year process. British businesses, British workers, do not have that length of time before damage that Brexit has done is going to be so great, we’ll never be able to do anything about it.

But I also think we do have to respect and recognize that if you are the European Union, you know, I would say Brexit is like the terrible man your aunt married 20 years ago, and you put up with him at Christmas every single year, and finally she divorced him. You know, you’re not going to invite him round for Easter cake, anytime soon. We have to respect and recognize just how much we trashed our status, the goodwill, the general sense that the UK was somebody you want to work with through Brexit, and the idea that we could very quickly get the time and energy and effort that our European partners would require for any sort of rejoin effort, I just think it’s a bit disrespectful to them. It is so important to me that we try and save what we can save, because any future conversation will be harmed by what is lost.

One of the things I worry about is if we spend our time still prosecuting the debates of 2016 and 2019 –  that means we’re not talking about what is possible in 2024, so we’re not giving people hope that you can actually sort some of these problems out. You can sort out the madness at the border, you can sort outwhat happens with Erasmus, you can sort out youth mobility. I believe that, I wouldn’t be doing this role if I didn’t.

We have to be really clear about the timescales, because we owe it to our European counterparts to recognize we’ve got a lot of ground to make up with them. That’s what’s really good about what the Government is doing right now. They are going round and proving not just that they’re not Liz Truss – which I know sounds like quite a low threshold – but that they are actually people you want to work with, that they get the concept of mutual interest, that they understand we’re asking a lot for people to pay us attention again because, we have been that awful man your aunt married.

 

Helen JohnstonAll the recent surveys say that Labour voters and members overwhelmingly believe Brexit was a mistake and would like to see it reversed. Will the leadership come under pressure at the Labour Party Conference this autumn from grassroots members?

Stella Creasey : If you’re a member of the LME, you’re just about to get an email about our conference rally – we’ve got some really big hitters coming to speak, including Nick Thomas-Symonds, the person doing the negotiations with Europe. We’ve also got the new chair of the Foreign Affairs Select Committee, Emily Thornberry, who’s going to play an absolutely key role, because of a challenge in Parliament, since the European Scrutiny Committee has been disbanded. Sunday evening at conference, we have got a big, serious rally, which we are organizing to make sure that discussion of Europe is part and parcel of what goes on in the Labour movement.

If you join the LME, you can help strengthen my ability to keep those debates going and keep the discussions happening at a grassroots level. But just to blow our trumpet a little bit, there are now more LME parliamentarians than there are Conservative parliamentarians in Parliament. We are affiliated – formerly affiliated. If you’re a Labour Party member, you’ll know how serious this is to over half the constituencies across the country. We’ve got 1000s of members now. So that shows there is the interest and appetite. Absolutely, conference is a key event. That’s why we’re doing this rally. We haven’t been able to be upfront because of the election. It completely kiboshed the conference motion process for us to do a conference motion.

There’s an opportunity, if you are going to be in Liverpool, to show how serious you think this is, and that that relationship is there. And I cannot tell you how different that is to say a year and a half ago. It sometimes felt a bit of a lonely endeavor to be the person saying, can we talk about this? And people across the political spectrum felt wrung out. They felt so frustrated, so emotionally drained by the discussion. I understand why people didn’t want to have it. I just think we do need to do that now, and that is happening

Ruth Woodhouse : Keir Starmer has repeatedly stated, there will be no return to the single market, Customs Union or freedom of movement. Do you not believe that in an ever-changing world and political landscape, it is a mistake to rule out anything? 

Stella Creasey: I say we should absolutely look at all options, including the timelines. My concern about things like the Customs Union and the Single Market is the timeline, because I think of small businesses in my constituency who just said the point about Brexit for them is paperwork, and can they hold on for another 18 months? Possibly. Could they hold on for five years? No, that’s what I’m really worried about.

So, it’s a question for me. I think it’s right to look at everything. That’s why, for example, I have challenged the Labour Party to look again at the idea of youth mobility, because whilst what I thought the European Commission came up with wouldn’t work for us, because it wasn’t actually youth mobility – what it was was just one country. It didn’t include apprenticeships, for example, which I think is really important in all of this. The idea that there could be a scheme, I think, is something we should be exploring, and we’ll continue to have that debate and discussion within the LME.

Anon : How do we persuade those that believe immigrants are the cause of all their problems, that the fault lies elsewhere? 

Stella Creasey :One of the things I feel really passionate about, if we say and do nothing else, as progressive people, we have to be clear that the problem is not immigrants. The problem is politicians. It is politicians failing to show that in a world that is so complicated and that changes so quickly.

We have lived through lots of very destabilizing events, and at every turn, there have been people on the left and right who have looked to find somebody to blame. The right is very effective at blaming, starting with immigrants. Then it moves on to trans people, to people who need welfare support, then women. The challenge with that blame culture, that politics can thrive in, is absolutely it might win you a vote at the ballot box, but it doesn’t win you the consent for the change that needs to happen. So yes, it is a frustration for me that we have come to a point where people blame immigration when they really should be blaming politicians for being so problem focused rather than solution focused.

I came into politics to change the world. I think change is possible, but I’ll be honest with you, I sat on the Council of Europe refugee and immigration committee and used to bang my head in frustration on the desk because the conversation was long on an analysis of why immigrants were causing problems, and short on how could we collaborate together to make sure it was possible to help people equally and not put a burden on anybody. That conversation is not just a challenge within Europe, and tackling the far right politics. It’s a problem across politics. It’s not okay for politicians to just to tell us who’s caused the problem – rather they must say what they’re going to do about it.